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This research seeks to make an exploratory study of the strategies used by the creators of monuments, memorials, and commemorative places located in the public spaces that use sound as one of the primary raw material in their design. The term acoustic monu-memorials was coined in this research to encircle these structures and places. In order to achieve the goal of this research, it was necessary to compile a number of samples, primarily after the digital recording era of captured sound around 1971 to the present. The compilation was relevant because such a compendium was not found in the literature, and to the author's knowledge, a comprehensive investigation of the strategies used in planning acoustic monu-memorials in the urban spaces does not exist.
The method used to create such compendium was to send a question to people with different background identities, such as visual and sound artists, musicians, art curators, and heritage scholars among others. This question produced a selection of 51 examples of acoustic monu-memorials located in public spaces. Subsequently, the examples were classified into four major categories according to their form and nature. Additionally, two examples from the main categories were chosen as case studies: The Sinti and Roma Memorial in Berlin, Germany and the Niche monument in Cali, Colombia. These study cases were presented, described, and analysed in detail as they represent the type of what could be defined as an acoustic monu-memorial in general.
Lynch’s (1960) five elements that help individuals build the image of the city were transferred and used as a tool to help to build this image into acoustic terms. A thorough analysis of the acquired data yielded found the strategies used by the designers to shape, modify, transform, and structure public space. These strategies are entitled Sound Spaces. Moreover, a list entitled Urban Acoustic Commemoration Code was compiled. This list of suggestions addresses urban planners, architects, artists, designers, and general public interested in the aspects involved when creating acoustic commemoration phenomena in public spaces.
Transformation of the Environment: Influence of “Urban Reagents.” German and Russian Case Studies
(2021)
An urban regeneration manifests itself through urban objects operating as change agents. The en-tailed diverse effects on the surroundings demonstrate experimental origin - an experiment as a preplanned but unpredictable method. An understanding of influences and features of urban ob-jects requires scrutiny due to a high potential of the elements to force an alteration and reactions. This dissertation explores the transformation of the milieu and mechanisms of this transformation.
Settlement is human place to live and do various activities (Finch, 1980). Concept of settlement layout is closely associated with human and a set of thoughts and behaviors. In this case, idea of pattern of activities in a society that is core of a culture becomes main factor in process of formation of houses and environment in a settlement. Factors which affecting form (physical) of architecture in a settlement environment are socio-cultural, economic, and religious determinant factor that manifested architectural realization (Rapoport, 1969).
Yogyakarta as the continuation of kingdom city in the Java Island finally exists as an Islamic kingdom that still remain to survive up to now. Impacts of this issue is appearance of various Moslem settlements to support typical character of an Islamic Kingdom.
Mlangi is an area of oldest Moslem settlements in Yogyakarta has not been explored in details for progress especially in physical glasses recently. Everything basic group and individual who arrange houses and residences, starts from how it has spatial concept alone. Although concept is a very abstract thing to explain in details, but its existence can be detected by how they created their physical environment.
This research conducted by these research questions: (1) What are spatial concepts owned by people in Mlangi and (2) How do spatial concepts owned by the people affect the settlements pattern?
Process to search spatial concept owned by the people in Moslem residence, making Mlangi as study area, was approached by using phenomenological research method. The researcher have to self-involved directly in unstructured interviews, but remained in guideline framework of in interviews to make research process effective. Fistly, the researcher interviewed the key person, they are the head of Mlangi administration (pak Dukuh) in Mlangi and Sawahan. They were then give advices to who was capable person that could draw the spatial concept and had many story and knew the history of the settlements. Step by step of interview guided from one informant to next informant when the information had been told repeatedly. The next informant based on the last informant advice or who had close relationship with the last theme appeared. To complete the narration and draw the result of interview, researcher have to add additional information with photograph and descriptive picture that can be draw the settlement empirically.
In process, 17 information units which found in field were consistent with sequence of interview events and flowing of theme to theme associated with Moslem residence of residence. Finally the interviews succeeded in abstracting 16 themes that may be classified into historic, socio-cultural, and spatial-concept dimensions in Mlangi. Process of analysis to find spatial concept owned by the people in Moslem settlements was carried out by dialogue of themes to find available substantive relationship.
Four concepts successfully analyzed consist of concepts of personage, concept of religious implementation, concept of Jero-Jaba and concept of Interest. The four concepts are really associated with one and others in understanding how spatial concept owned by the people affects residence they occupy. Yet, concept of Jero-Jaba bases all concepts of people in Mlangi . This concept can be used to draw red yarn on how they utilize communal spaces in residence and layout rooms of their individual houses. This concept also eternalize residence patterns existing in Mlangi now where residence does not experience many changes from starting of this residence existence (from detection of generation currently still living), namely residence patterns concentrate on orientation to Masjid Pathok Negoro of Mlangi.
This research was opening the potential research area, at least for the sociology, anthropology and demography research interest. So many unique character in Mlangi if looked at from how they maintain their spatial concept and manifested in their daily activities. How the people will concern only for the religious activities and the economic concern only for survival aspect in live.
Keywords: spatial concept, moslem settlements, phenomenology method, Indonesia,
This is a work concerned with the increasing processes of social exclusion in cities nowadays. In approaching this phenomenon, the research highlights how people interact with their institutional environments. This is also, perhaps centrally, an investigation into the possibility to engage an individual perspective to understand the transformation in urban experience, which is orienting society to new uses and forms of exclusion. Following the perspective deployed by the so-called “sociology of individuals” in French sociology or “reengagement of agency” in the Anglo-Saxon world; I claim that individuals as well as collectives are gaining increasing power to question and re-organize institutions. This re-organization, in the case of socio-urban institutions, is no guarantee for major levels in integration, cohesion, and equality. Unfortunately, social institutions are becoming hard in its exclusionary capabilities under people intervention during the last four decades.
I believe that urban sociology is a field of struggle between different perspectives competing to “make sense” of social phenomena in cities. The orientation supported in this research is just one on many and it follows the roots of people and their life experiences within cities and how they influence the processes that shape the city. The last formulation is possibly not the clearest, because as we all know, references to “inhabitants” are presented in every variant of urban sociology. Nevertheless, there are not many variants focusing on peoples’ capability to influence institutional environments and by this way affecting the urban condition in which they find themselves. The particular institution selected for this study is the “School”.
This thesis is organized around two parts: part one includes the conceptual framework, methodological approach, and historical contextualization; part two describes three case studies produced to analyse the forms of and the relations between individuals and school institution. Part one starts from a premise: within the context of declining welfare State in the case of industrialized countries, an important part of urban studies focuses on economic and spatial restructuration. Confronted with the same situation, a part of social sciences shifts to the individuals’ agency and social uncertainty. This research is embedded in the last theoretical description presented above, thus, because it tries to observe urban processes from the perspective of the individual and outside of developed economies. In this sense, Latin America represents a fundamental reference because urban conditions are historically marked by weak institutional arrangements to integrating people and large levels of marginality and exclusion among population. In this scenario individuals’ practices around inclusion-exclusion have an essential meaning in everyday life.
Part two offers three study cases in which the relation between individuals and school institutions has been analyzed for the Metropolitan area of Santiago de Chile (MAS). Using different methodological resources an exhaustive account on three levels is presented: i) geo-referencing State intervention in public policies connected with neighborhood and schools to understand the form and extent of socio-urban exclusion in MAS, ii) narrative biographies applied to parents with children attending primary school, in order to reconstruct the familiar process of school selection and describing its impacts on the stabilization of school as an exclusionary device, and iii) autoethnography to describe in detail the temporal dimension involved in stabilizing actions which reinforces social mechanisms of urban integration-exclusion during the last three decades in Chile.
A key argument advanced by this research proposes that: the way in which the idea of integration is enacted by people in their biographical careers imprints changes on the institutional orientation and by this way, contributes to the reorganization urban life. The high level of social exclusion in Santiago de Chile is not accountable without considering transformation in all socio-urban institutions, especially the school. No family considers social integration with people from a low social, economical or cultural background as relevant orientation for school selection. This particularity of the Chilean social reality is not derivable from any big capitalistic or modernization processes impacting our cities.
Within the light of the thesis findings, I conclude that socio-urban institutions logics must be reassessment under the influences of people actions and representations. I also propose a consideration to major complementarities between urban studies and urban-institutions analysis. The school institutions is not just a sectorial field reserved to the researcher in education, on the contrary, it represent a key entrance to address people’s experience in their institutional urban environments. The re-emergence of social and urban movements in 2010, under the “Arab Spring” or the “Chilean Student Movements”, is not only a demonstration in the public space as result of major global trends. These situations are in essence, for this research, individuals gathering together and calling for recognition and autonomy inside institutional environment that tends to reject them. Similar situation was the focus of the Latin American urban sociology research, within the focus on grassroots and urban social movements at the end of the 1960s and beginning of the 1970s.
In both cases, socio-urban institutions, unaware of recognition requirements claimed by inhabitants, are not beyond individual or collective reach. My main concern is to show that socio-urban institutions are constantly re-shaped as a result of individual action, what makes the difference, is the spirit that we all, socially, imprint on the logics of our socio-urban institutions, moving them to inclusion or exclusion.
There is a continuous exacerbation of environmental problems in big cities of today’s world, thereby, diminishing the quality of life in them. Of particular concern is the fact that today’s megacities are evolving in the developing world without corresponding growth in the economy, infrastructure and other human development indices. As urban population continues to grow in these cities of the Global South, governing institutions are usually unable to keep pace with their social responsibilities, thus, making the issue of urban governance very critical. This is because effective and efficient urban governance is highly essential for the creation, strengthening and sustenance of governing institutions.
Lagos, a mega-city of over 15.45 million people and the most populous metropolitan area on the African continent epitomizes the fundamental grave characteristics of the emerging megacities of the Global South, thereby, constituting an apt choice in understanding the emerging megacities of the next generation. Two out of every three Lagos residents live in slums and de-humanizing physical and social conditions. Many of them sleep, work, eat and cook under highway bridges, at the mercy of weather elements.
This research, therefore, evaluated urban governance through housing administration in Africa’s largest megacity. It examines the extent of housing problems in the city, the causal factors and the culpability of government agencies statutorily responsible for the provision, control and management of housing development in Lagos - the tenth largest city in the world. A representative geographic part of the city which manifests classic characteristics of slum life, listed by Mike Davis as the largest slum in Africa and the 6th largest in the world – Ajegunle - was adopted for case study. The research design combined rigorous literature search (desk research) with quantitative and, especially, qualitative approaches to data collection. The qualitative approach was more intensely adopted because government officials often respond to enquiries with ‘official answers and data’ which may not be reliable and the study had to rely on keen observation of physical traces, social interaction and personal investigation. The cross-sectional research method was adopted. Information was solicited from house-owners, building industry professionals, sociologists and officials of relevant government agencies, through research tools like questionnaires, interviews, focused group discussions and personal observations.
The analysis and discussion of these field data, in conjunction with the information from the desk research gave a better understanding of the status-quo, which informed the recommendations proposed in the dissertation for mitigating the problems. The research discovered that many of the statutory housing agencies have the capacity to effectively discharge their responsibilities. However, it was also shown that corruption and abdication of responsibilities by the staff of these agencies constitute primary causes of the chasm between the anticipated lofty outcome from the laudable building regulations/bye-laws and the appalling reality. It also discovered that lack of political will and apathy on the part of successive Governments of Lagos State to the improvement of housing conditions of the poor masses are major causes of the housing debacle in Lagos.
Several germane and realistic recommendations for redressing the situation were subsequently proffered. These include amongst others, the conduction of an accurate census for Lagos, in conjunction with credible international agencies, as a requisite basis for effective planning of any sort. The process of obtaining legal titles for land should also be made less cumbersome, while the housing administration process should be computerized; in order to reduce inter-personal contacts between applicants and government officials to the barest minimum, as a means of curbing the wide spread corruption in the system.
Space is a social product and a social producer. The main aim of this thesis is to reveal ‘the process of totalitarian city making in Pyongyang’, especially in the light of the interaction between the power and urban space.
The totalitarian city of Pyongyang was born out of modernization in the process of masses formation. During the growth of colonial capitalism and Christian liberal ideas, Pyongyang was modernized and displayed the characteristics of a modern city with industrialization and urbanization. During the introduction of Japanese colonial capitalism, peasants, women, and slaves became the first masses and urban poor, and they later transformed into the mob; their violence was finally demonstrated during the Anti-Chinese Riot.
After the 1945 independence, Kim’s regime formed the one-party state with a cry for revolution. They produced an atmosphere of imminent war to instill fear and hatred into the psyche of Pyongyang citizens. The regime eliminated all political opponents in 1967 and finally declared the totalitarian ideology in 1974. During this process, Pyongyang demonstrated two main characteristics of a totalitarian city: the space of terror and of ideology. The space of terror produces the fear of death and the space of ideology controls the thought and life of citizens.
After entry to the market, to keep Kim’s controlling power, the regime used the strategy of location exchange. The camp, market, and Foreign Currency Shop were effective tools to prepare for executives’ gifts. However, the market also produces the desire not only for consumption but also for freedom and truth; it is tearing down the foundation of the totalitarian city of Pyongyang.
This research focuses primarily on the interaction between political power and urban space. In the process of making a totalitarian city, the power produced urban space and it influenced the psyche of Pyongyang citizens. Even though this spatial transition has created the totalitarian city and helped maintain political power, it also led and produced intended or unintended social variation in Pyongyang society.
Im ersten Working Paper des Forschungsprojekts „Städtische Ko-Produktion von Teilhabe und Gemeinwohl. Aushandlungsprozesse zwischen zivilgesellschaft lichen Akteuren und kommunalen Verwaltungen“ möchten wir die von uns verwendeten zentralen Begrifflichkeiten definieren sowie einige Grundannahmen erläutern. Im Anschluss an Definitionen der Begriff e Wohlfahrtsregime, Teilhabe, Gemeinwohl, Governance, Zivilgesellschaft und soziale Bewegungen erfolgt eine Analyse der heutigen Krise von Teilhabe, die wir als Ausgangspunkt zur Untersuchung unserer Fallstudien definieren.
Das Working Paper dient sowohl der internen Selbstverständigung im Projekt als auch dem Austausch mit anderen Forschenden in der Förderlinie „Teilhabe und Gemeinwohl“ des Bundesministeriums für Bildung und Forschung (BMBF) sowie darüber hinaus mit Projekten, die sich ähnlichen Themen widmen.
Teilhabe an Gesundheitsversorgung von aufenthaltsrechtlich illegalisierten Menschen in Deutschland
(2022)
Die Gesundheitsversorgung in Deutschland ist seit den Bismarckschen Sozialreformen ein zunehmend institutionalisierter Teil der staatlichen Daseinsvorsorge im wohlfahrtsstaatlichen Gefüge. Institutionalisiert ist die Gesundheitsversorgung in korporatistischer Logik, das heißt in kooperativen Beziehungen zum privatwirtschaftlichen und zivilgesellschaftlichen Sektor und mit Befugnissen der Selbstverwaltung. Zudem fußt das Gesundheitssystem auf einem Versicherungssystem mit lohnabhängigen Abgaben. Institutionalisiert ist die staatliche Daseinsvorsorge jedoch auch in seinen Ausschlüssen. So werden Menschen ohne Bürgerrechte von vielen sozialen Rechten, wie von der Gesundheitsversorgung, ausgeschlossen, obwohl dieser Ausschluss im Widerspruch zu anderen konstitutiven Elementen des Nationalstaats steht.
In diesem Working Paper werden die grundlegende Strukturen des deutschen Gesundheitssystems und darin innewohnende Funktionslogiken der Produktion von Teilhabe dargestellt. Abschließend werden in Anlehnung an Kronauer die verschiedenen Dimensionen von Teilhabe an Gesundheitsversorgung in ihrer Produktions- und Ausschlusslogik im Wohlfahrtsregime dargelegt dabei auf die Gruppe der aufenthaltsrechtlich Illegalisierten fokussiert, denen gesellschaftliche Teilhabe in vielen Lebensbereichen, wie auch stark im Gesundheitsbereich, untersagt wird. Gleichzeitig soll dargestellt werden, wie zivilgesellschaftliche Akteur*innen auch gegen staatliche Vorgaben oder Anreize, Teilhabe (wieder-)herstellen.
Anhand der städtebaulichen und sozialen Transformation des östlichen Gründerzeitgebietes von Leipzig wird die Rolle von migrantischen Hausbesitzenden und in der Bausanierung Tätigen im Aufwertungsprozess untersucht. Der Zugang zum Gegenstand verbindet Fragen der Stadtsoziologie und der Denkmalforschung. Im sozialen Feld der Stadterneuerung wird die Revitalisierung des ehemals von Leerstand und Rückbau betroffenen Baubestandes ausgehandelt. Die Positionen der Akteur:innen im Feld werden durch ihre Ausstattung mit ökonomischem, aber auch sozialem und kulturellem Kapital bestimmt. Angehörige der Planungs- und Denkmalbehörden verfügen über institutionalisiertes Kulturkapital und stehen damit Kleineigentümer:innen, häufig Autodidakt:innen, gegenüber. Baudenkmale können über ihre Funktion als Geldanlage und Wohnraum hinaus Status repräsentieren und symbolisch angeeignet werden. Denkmalschutz dient dem öffentlichen Interesse am Erhalt historischer Bausubstanz. Bei Sanierungen bestehen die Herausforderungen der Vereinbarkeit von Konservierung und Modernisierung, der Finanzierbarkeit für Eigentümer:innen und der Sozialverträglichkeit für Bewohnende. Eine Darstellung der historischen Entwicklung des Leipziger Ostens zu Beginn der Analyse veranschaulicht die Abhängigkeit kultureller, sozialer und ökonomischer Werte des Baubestandes vom jeweiligen gesellschaftlichen Kontext. Planerische Konzepte für das Gebiet zeigen, dass eine sozioökonomische Stabilisierung und Imageverbesserung erreicht werden sollte durch das Aufgreifen von Potentialen, wie den denkmalgeschützten Bauten, dem zuziehenden alternativen Milieu und migrantischer Ökonomie. Es wird deutlich, dass nach einer initialen Ansässigkeit von Pionier:innen die öffentlichen Infrastrukturmaßnahmen und Denkmalausweisungen eine Inwertsetzung v. a. durch externe Anlegende vorbereiteten. Darauf aufbauend wurden anhand einer qualitativen Befragung die Erfahrungen von städtischen Mitarbeitenden, Fachleuten und im Quartier Engagierten denen von lokalen migrantischen Hausbesitzenden und im Bereich Sanierung Tätigen gegenübergestellt. Migrant:innengruppen haben den Stadtraum in einer Phase vorherrschender Abwanderung durch die Eröffnung von Geschäften und Institutionen sowie den Erwerb von Immobilien für sich erschlossen. Strukturelle Benachteiligungen, wie Diskriminierung auf dem Arbeitsmarkt, ihre Ansässigkeit im sozial stigmatisierten Gebiet sowie geringes ökonomisches Kapital versuchten sie durch den Einsatz von sozialem Kapital auszugleichen. Sanierungen erfolgten mit hoher Eigenleistung und Rückgriff auf private Netzwerke. Die Analyse des Erneuerungsprozesses im Leipziger Osten zeigt, dass in einer initialen Phase Pionier:innen von Planenden und der Denkmalpflege als essentiell für die Entwicklung angesehen wurden. Günstige Instandsetzungen durch Kleineigentümer:innen wurden akzeptiert, um Gebäude vor weiterem Verfall zu bewahren. Mit der zunehmenden Forderung nach Verwendung hochwertiger Materialen werden die Sanierungsleistungen nach ästhetischen und letztlich ökonomischen Kriterien bewertet. Gegenüber sozialen Folgen einer Aufwertung von Bausubstanz lässt sich eine unkritische Haltung der Denkmalpflege erkennen. Bei der Vermarktung der Bestände durch professionelle Investierende findet die Sozialgeschichte des Stadtteils wenig Berücksichtigung, positiv besetzte Merkmale des Quartiers, wie Multikulturalität werden selektiv aufgegriffen. Der Anteil migrantischer Akteur:innen an der Entwicklung wird durch die Öffentlichkeit unzureichend anerkannt. Auch die Wertschätzung von Planenden und im Quartier Engagierten erfolgt v. a. anhand des ökonomischen Status. Hohe Erwartungen an die Geschäftsstruktur und die Erscheinung des Straßenbildes können nicht erfüllt werden. Migrantische Hausbesitzende und im Bereich Sanierung Tätige benötigen für die Auseinandersetzung mit der Denkmalpflege kulturelles Kapital. Sie erkennen die Bedeutung des historischen Baubestandes für die Stadt und die Arbeit der Institution an, kritisieren jedoch Sanierungsauflagen bzw. Mitarbeitende der Denkmalpflege und können sich z. T. gegen diese behaupten. Lokale migrantische Kleineigentümer:innen leisten durch ihre Quartiersbindung einen Beitrag zur ökonomischen und sozialen Stabilisierung. Mit ihrer Aufstiegsorientierung fördern sie in der Vermietungspraxis jedoch nur bedingt die Integration anderer Migrant:innen und grenzen sich von statusniedrigen Gruppen im Quartier ab. Migrantische Hausbesitzende und Unternehmende nehmen sich selbst als erfolgreiche Vorreitende in einer heterogener werdenden ostdeutschen Stadtgesellschaft wahr. Sie erkannten frühzeitig das Entwicklungspotential und gehören zu den Initiierenden und Profitierenden der Inwertsetzung.
Die Dissertation Staubaufwirbeln oder die Kunst der Partizipation stellt die Frage, ob und inwiefern künstlerische Interventionen zur Aktualisierung und Entwicklung demokratischer Teilhabe beitragen können. Im Zentrum der Untersuchung stehen sechs Projektgruppen, die experimentelle Freiräume gestalten, in denen neue Formen von Demokratielernen, Stadtnutzung, gesellschaftlicher Repräsentation und Symbolpolitik erprobt werden. Die Kunst der Partizipation wird in fünf Dimensionen beschrieben: Initiative, Kollektivität, Inszenierung, Öffentlichkeit und Kooperation. Sie erweitert damit das Repertoire demokratischer Beteiligungsformen sowie gegenwärtige Kunstbegriffe. Ihre heimliche Relevanz besteht darin, sich immer wieder dem Risiko auszusetzen, von allen Seiten als unzureichend betrachtet zu werden. Demokratie konstituiert sich hier als ästhetische Erfahrung. Die Kunst besteht darin, die Flüchtigkeit demokratischer Teilhabe erfahrbar zu machen, also gestaltbar und veränderbar.