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Resumen
La pregunta de investigación que guía el trabajo es: ¿cuál es la lógica de reproducción urbana de una ciudad intermedia en el contexto de los territorios possocialista? y ¿por qué referimos a esa lógica en términos de desarrollo urbano posfordista? Lo que se demuestra con esta investigación es cómo la forma particular de entrecruzamiento de territorialidades - estrategias espacializadas de los agentes - y las sinergias que de ellas se derivan con sus respectivas expresiones en el espacio, caracterizan el desarrollo urbano de Weimar.
El objetivo general del trabajo es interpretar el tipo de desarrollo urbano posfordista alcanzado por esta ciudad intermedia, que se configura en relación a su hinterland inmediato como una ciudad-región en una región de ciudades. Los objetivos específicos son: contextualizar geohistóricamente la ciudad-región Weimar, analizar los factores que posibilitan y condicionan el desarrollo urbano, identificar la constelación de agentes sociales que participan en el proceso de governance de la ciudad considerando sus estrategias, e indagar sobre las sinergias territoriales a partir del cruce y convergencia de esas estrategias convertidas en territorialidades.
En el trabajo se aplico una lógica metodológica cualitativa de investigación basada en: relevamiento bibliográfico, lectura de periódicos locales y regionales, observaciones in situ, captación de atmósfera, entrevistas complementadas con estadísticas oficiales y recolección de folletos informativos.
Uno de los principales aportes del trabajo es la definición del concepto de desarrollo urbano posfordista como una modalidad de reproducción urbana en el contexto de relaciones capitalistas de producción caracterizadas por producción flexible, terciarización de servicios públicos, creación de nuevos niveles territoriales de regulación, flexibilización de los mercados de trabajo urbano y precarización de las condiciones de vida. En las últimas décadas se asiste a cambios profundos en las ciudades. Así, es posible hablar de ciudades en transición que ensayan diversidad de modalidades ante los desafíos que implican estos cambios. En efecto, en muchos espacios urbanos comenzaron a suceder procesos de rápida desindustrialización y/o reindustrialización, con lo cual las ciudades han perdido parcialmente su base económica o han debido reestructurarse como un lugar vinculado a la economía de servicios. Incluso en aquellas ciudades que mantuvieron industrias de producción masiva, propias de las llamadas economía fordista, como por ejemplo la industria automotriz, requirieron importantes cambios en sus planificaciones espaciales. De este modo, los cambios en las modalidades de producción y sus impactos socioterritoriales en el contexto de la glocalización permiten observar el paso de una sociedad fordista a una posfordista.
In der kritischen Stadtforschung wird die These der postdemokratischen Stadt aktuell immer wieder aufgegriffen und dabei eng mit Prozessen der Neoliberalisierung verknüpft. Ausgehend von einer kritischen Diskussion der konzeptionellen Zugänge bei Colin Crouch und Jacques Rancière geht der Beitrag anhand der Geschichte der kommunalen Selbstverwaltung in Frankfurt am Main dem Gehalt der beiden Begriffsbestimmungen in der konkreten historischen Analyse nach. Verwiesen wird dabei auf die unterschiedliche Analysetiefe der beiden Konzepte. Entgegen der bei Crouch vorherrschenden Annahme, dass es vor der neoliberalen Stadt eine demokratische Form städtischen Regierens gegeben hat, wird unter Rückbezug auf die Argumentation Rancières zur Demokratie betont, dass der Fordismus keinesfalls als egalitärer, inklusiver oder demokratischer charakterisiert werden kann. Vielmehr vertreten wir die These, dass die fordistische Stadt zwar aus anderen Gründen, aber vom Grundsatz her nicht weniger postdemokratisch gewesen ist als die neoliberale der Gegenwart und dass die demokratischen Momente am ehesten in den Brüchen und Spalten der sozialen Konflikte der 1970er und 1980er Jahre gefunden werden können.
Exploratory Research into Transformation Processes of Former Industrial Complexes of Leipziger Baumwollspinnerei (Leipzig) and Mattatoio di Testaccio (Rome); New Meanings of Industrial Heritage
Physical manifestations of the Industrial Revolution left a permanent imprint on the complexion of cities. Abandonment that followed the deindustrialization contributed to an estrangement, turning derelict industrial spaces and run‐down factories into a ballast to conjure with. At present, industrial heritage management applies flexibility and creativity, partially overcoming the essentially traditional paradigm of heritage preservation. This approach permits sustainable conservation – utilization and integration of disused industrial constructs in the contemporary urban landscape. Being a part of the European cultural stock, industrial heritage is an exciting and unique setting from many perspectives. It is defined and consumed by many markets, ranging from the industrial heritage tourism to the market of special events and festivals. Reused industrial buildings and factories come into view as products of post‐industrial societies, fitting to the Western post‐industrial (consumer) culture, offering a field of activities that are at an interface between the industrial history and contemporary socio‐cultural milieu.
Alteration of values, growth of new roles and definitions of industrial heritage, generated by functional restructuring, is a subject which is often left behind the general discussion about sustainable conservation and adaptive reuse of industrial heritage. Yet, in the modified state, industrial heritage is very complex to understand and to define.
By conducting a desk and a case study research of former industrial complexes – Leipziger Baumwollspinnerei and Mattatoio di Testaccio, this doctoral thesis aims to identify industrial heritage as a contemporary (post‐industrial) concept. Observation of ideas, values and definitions that emerge as a consequence of the transformation and re‐conceptualization of industrial heritage are intended to raise awareness and appreciation of industrial heritage in the full richness of its contemporary interpretation.
Die Dissertation Staubaufwirbeln oder die Kunst der Partizipation stellt die Frage, ob und inwiefern künstlerische Interventionen zur Aktualisierung und Entwicklung demokratischer Teilhabe beitragen können. Im Zentrum der Untersuchung stehen sechs Projektgruppen, die experimentelle Freiräume gestalten, in denen neue Formen von Demokratielernen, Stadtnutzung, gesellschaftlicher Repräsentation und Symbolpolitik erprobt werden. Die Kunst der Partizipation wird in fünf Dimensionen beschrieben: Initiative, Kollektivität, Inszenierung, Öffentlichkeit und Kooperation. Sie erweitert damit das Repertoire demokratischer Beteiligungsformen sowie gegenwärtige Kunstbegriffe. Ihre heimliche Relevanz besteht darin, sich immer wieder dem Risiko auszusetzen, von allen Seiten als unzureichend betrachtet zu werden. Demokratie konstituiert sich hier als ästhetische Erfahrung. Die Kunst besteht darin, die Flüchtigkeit demokratischer Teilhabe erfahrbar zu machen, also gestaltbar und veränderbar.
Rapid urbanisation that is not accompanied by socio-economic development strains the capacity of local and national governments to provide even basic services such as shelter. Informal settlements i.e. settlements not built or developed according to the formal regulations have become a solution to many urban dwellers in developing countries. In Tanzania informal settlements accommodate people from low, middle and high income groups. The study explores the nature of potentials and challenges posed by the existence of mixed socio-economic groups in informal settlements, including an assessment of what can be done to optimise utilisation of potentials and mitigation of conflicts. Using a case study strategy, the study was conducted in Dar es Salaam city focusing on Makongo mixed informal settlement.
The results show that mixed informal settlements are as a result of several factors including uncoordinated energies of people. The urban development forces that bring change in the development of the city are stronger than the public states capacity to coordinate and manage them. Informal settlements also offer user-friendly land tenure, flexibility in house construction and proximity to livelihoods. Other factors include the nature of socio-economic living patterns and extension of urban boundaries. Community members operate using social norms. Advantages of mixed informal settlements include availability of plots according to needs and affordability while a disadvantage is, people of different socio-economic groups perceive problems differently.
For policies to be effective, their formulation should be derived from what is happening on the ground i.e. addressing informal settlements according to their heterogeneity. Moreover, empowered local authorities can assist in implementing national development plans; also actors in land development including government institutions, non-governmental institutions, financial institutions, private sector, professionals, political leaders, research institutions, policy-makers and training institutions need to recognise, understand and respect each other’s roles, and pull resources together to minimise problems related to informality in land development; utilise potentials and minimise challenges in mixed informal settlements in Dar es Salaam.
Key words: Informal settlements, land development, urbanisation
The article presents preliminary results and qualitative analysis obtained from the doctoral research provisory entitled “How do Brazilian ‘battlers’ reside?”, which is in progress at the Institute for European Urban Studies, Bauhaus Univer-sity Weimar. It critically discusses the contradictions of the production of residences in Brazil made by an emerging so-cial group, lately called the Brazilian new middle class. For the last ten years, a number of government policies have provoked a general improvement of the purchasing power of the poor. Between those who completely depend on the government to survive and the upper middle class, there is a wide (about 100 million people) and economically stable lower middle group, which has found its own ways of dealing with its demand for housing. The conventional models of planning, building and buying are not suitable for their technical, financial and personal needs. Therefore, they are con-currently planners, constructors and residents, building and renovating their own properties themselves, but still with very limited education and technical knowledge and restricted access to good building materials and constructive ele-ments, formal technicians, architects or engineers. On the one hand, the result is an informal and more or less autono-mous self-production, with all sorts of technical problems and very interesting and creative spatial solutions to every-day domestic situations. On the other hand, the repercussions for urban space are questionable: although basic infrastructure conditions have improved, building densities are high and green areas are few. Lower middle class neigh-bourhoods present a restricted collective everyday life. They look like storage spaces for manpower; people who live to work in order to be able to consume—and build—what they could not before. One question is, to what extent the lat-est economic rise of Brazil has really resulted in social development for lower middle income families in the private sphere regarding their residences, and in the collective sphere, regarding the neighbourhoods they inhabit and the ur-ban space in general.
As human thought was developing, likewise, the technology used for illumination was growing. But a haul through history, reviewing its pages and analyzing it, inherently brings up old and new question, like: Is it possible to alter negatively the image of historic buildings and monuments through inadequate lighting to the degree of distorting the perception that people have of the work? and if so, what are the causes that generate it? Do the light designers take into consideration criteria to protect not only historic buildings and monuments, but also the environment? What are the consequences that may generate the inadequate lighting of urban heritage to the environment? What are the factors to consider for a proper illumination of urban heritage? The answers to these questions will help lay the foundation for proper illumination of the urban heritage, avoiding at the maximum the light pollution and the effects that it generates, seeking a balance and harmonious reconciliation between the technology, urban heritage and environment, taking as a framework and the case study the urban heritage of a city from the colonial era in southern Mexico, with pre-Hispanic roots and where today you can still see through its streets and buildings an atmosphere of mysticism reflection of their folklore and traditions, this city is known as Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas.
The conservation of living heritage sites is a highly complex process. Two factors need careful consideration in order to achieve a balance in the management of such sites: the conservation demands of conservation experts for built heritage and the needs of local people for development of their heritage living space. The complexity of factors involved make for an interesting study of living heritage, taken up by this research in its main case study of the town of Nan in Thailand.
Research into the historical background of Nan and its cultural heritage reveals a living heritage site, which is both unique and diverse. Present day Nan was examined using a variety of analysis tools, which were applied to data from interviews, empirical data, field surveys, and documents, in order to better understand the nature of the living heritage site and changing trends over time. Luang Prabang in Lao PDR, a World Heritage site since 1995, was also selected as a further case study with which to compare Nan’s potential World Heritage status from a point of view of changes to living heritage attributes.
The outcomes of the research indicate the importance of the management of the sites, which can be at risk of losing balance by focusing on one aspect of heritage to the detriment of the other. The conservation perspective, if allowed to dominate, as in Luang Prabang, can cause irreparable damage to the social fabric, where the development needs of the town are not met. This research concludes that a balance of power amongst stakeholders in the collaborative networks managing such sites is vital to sustaining a balance of living heritage attributes.
This is a work concerned with the increasing processes of social exclusion in cities nowadays. In approaching this phenomenon, the research highlights how people interact with their institutional environments. This is also, perhaps centrally, an investigation into the possibility to engage an individual perspective to understand the transformation in urban experience, which is orienting society to new uses and forms of exclusion. Following the perspective deployed by the so-called “sociology of individuals” in French sociology or “reengagement of agency” in the Anglo-Saxon world; I claim that individuals as well as collectives are gaining increasing power to question and re-organize institutions. This re-organization, in the case of socio-urban institutions, is no guarantee for major levels in integration, cohesion, and equality. Unfortunately, social institutions are becoming hard in its exclusionary capabilities under people intervention during the last four decades.
I believe that urban sociology is a field of struggle between different perspectives competing to “make sense” of social phenomena in cities. The orientation supported in this research is just one on many and it follows the roots of people and their life experiences within cities and how they influence the processes that shape the city. The last formulation is possibly not the clearest, because as we all know, references to “inhabitants” are presented in every variant of urban sociology. Nevertheless, there are not many variants focusing on peoples’ capability to influence institutional environments and by this way affecting the urban condition in which they find themselves. The particular institution selected for this study is the “School”.
This thesis is organized around two parts: part one includes the conceptual framework, methodological approach, and historical contextualization; part two describes three case studies produced to analyse the forms of and the relations between individuals and school institution. Part one starts from a premise: within the context of declining welfare State in the case of industrialized countries, an important part of urban studies focuses on economic and spatial restructuration. Confronted with the same situation, a part of social sciences shifts to the individuals’ agency and social uncertainty. This research is embedded in the last theoretical description presented above, thus, because it tries to observe urban processes from the perspective of the individual and outside of developed economies. In this sense, Latin America represents a fundamental reference because urban conditions are historically marked by weak institutional arrangements to integrating people and large levels of marginality and exclusion among population. In this scenario individuals’ practices around inclusion-exclusion have an essential meaning in everyday life.
Part two offers three study cases in which the relation between individuals and school institutions has been analyzed for the Metropolitan area of Santiago de Chile (MAS). Using different methodological resources an exhaustive account on three levels is presented: i) geo-referencing State intervention in public policies connected with neighborhood and schools to understand the form and extent of socio-urban exclusion in MAS, ii) narrative biographies applied to parents with children attending primary school, in order to reconstruct the familiar process of school selection and describing its impacts on the stabilization of school as an exclusionary device, and iii) autoethnography to describe in detail the temporal dimension involved in stabilizing actions which reinforces social mechanisms of urban integration-exclusion during the last three decades in Chile.
A key argument advanced by this research proposes that: the way in which the idea of integration is enacted by people in their biographical careers imprints changes on the institutional orientation and by this way, contributes to the reorganization urban life. The high level of social exclusion in Santiago de Chile is not accountable without considering transformation in all socio-urban institutions, especially the school. No family considers social integration with people from a low social, economical or cultural background as relevant orientation for school selection. This particularity of the Chilean social reality is not derivable from any big capitalistic or modernization processes impacting our cities.
Within the light of the thesis findings, I conclude that socio-urban institutions logics must be reassessment under the influences of people actions and representations. I also propose a consideration to major complementarities between urban studies and urban-institutions analysis. The school institutions is not just a sectorial field reserved to the researcher in education, on the contrary, it represent a key entrance to address people’s experience in their institutional urban environments. The re-emergence of social and urban movements in 2010, under the “Arab Spring” or the “Chilean Student Movements”, is not only a demonstration in the public space as result of major global trends. These situations are in essence, for this research, individuals gathering together and calling for recognition and autonomy inside institutional environment that tends to reject them. Similar situation was the focus of the Latin American urban sociology research, within the focus on grassroots and urban social movements at the end of the 1960s and beginning of the 1970s.
In both cases, socio-urban institutions, unaware of recognition requirements claimed by inhabitants, are not beyond individual or collective reach. My main concern is to show that socio-urban institutions are constantly re-shaped as a result of individual action, what makes the difference, is the spirit that we all, socially, imprint on the logics of our socio-urban institutions, moving them to inclusion or exclusion.
Abstract
In this research, based on socio-spatiality as the starting point, it has conducted extensive city space analysis to advance a new urban social space theory. Resting upon the basis of traditional continent philosophy, this social space theory has adopted the structuration methods, at the same time trying to build certain combination between theoretical frame work establishment and empirical observations. Therefore, the socio-spatial transition study is neither a macro theory of traditional structuralism nor a typology of urban planning theory, or a positivism social geography, but an operative theory on practical purpose. Firstly, what’s distinct from the traditional structuralism is that this study examines the endless transiting structural relations, not macroscopic narrations of absolute definition and structure. In fact, any city and space are always co-existed in their structurational transiting relationship, thus research in transition has become the main body of this study. And case study is a must for research in transition, as part of efforts to apply the structuration concept into practice reason. Secondly, this study first establishes the fundamental structuration concept of socio-spatial transition, which, as an operative tool, is applied to conduct transition analysis on specific case about the City of Beijing. Therefore, as a social space theory, referring to as science, remains criticism of traditional continent philosophy. However, this criticism did not working on the level of ideology or conceptions, but on transiting under structural relations, keeping it from incompetent ideology criticism of continental critical theory. Unfortunately contemporary urban and space development have now gone extremely unbalanced under a background of globalization; yet traditional macro theories are incapable of either producing significant impact on practice or helping people identify practical problems. While facing general issues, particularly the Chinese urban issue category established on a meta-structured city mode, the micro-case study has plunged into dilemma for unknowing either to ask questions or to answer questions. Therefore, this study is set to identify dilemma and find direction for future relevant research. In this dissertation, Beijing is used as a model, and structuration methods as tools. It has extensively analyzed the social-spatial transition of the city space of Beijing, acquiring brand-new knowledge of its urban space development. It is helpful to an in-depth understanding of the city space development not only in Beijing, but also in many other cities that were influenced by the capital model of Beijing. Since the start of reform and opening-up, China has created a unique development mode of the new-styled metropolitan and urbanization in history. This research is expected to analyze or decode what China’s urban development in between communal space and associative space.